Přednáška z Experimentální psychologie II. 2.11.2010 Mgr. Nina Bakošová

Co nás čeká Úvod do historického vývoje experimentální psychologie Ukázky experimentů od nejdůležitějších výzkumníků v předválečné historii experimentální psychologie a diskuze o metodologii jejich experimentů Ukázka a diskuze jednoho aktuálního výzkumu Shrnutí

Vývoj experimentální metody Wundt Freud Statistika Behaviorismus Sociální a kognitivní psychologie Pozitivní psychologie atd. Myšlení bylo z filosofie odděleno pro vědeckou psychologii až hodně pozdě. První se oddělilo zkoumání fenoménů úzce spojených s tělesným prožíváním (Helmholtz a jeho výzkum smyslových orgánů) To protože první snahy oddělit vědu od filosofie probíhali skrze prožitky – empírii jako protipól teorii. Vznik psychologie však nevycházel plně z materialismu. Wilhelm Wundt byl idealista, kt. ale postavil psychologii jako empirickou vědu. Udělal to následovně: z obav z čistého materialismu zadefinoval psychologii jako vědu o duši (geisteswissenshaft), aby se vyhnul zařazení mezi přírodní vědy. A to udělal na základě přesvědčení, že nelze plně poznat anebo neexistují přírodní zákony vysvětlující duši (nelze ji redukovat na neurony), lze pouze poznat některé její principy. Používal jako doposud filosofové metodu introspekce, ale už se soustředil na opakované empirické měření. Statistika… Ve stejné době vědu formuje i Freud a psychoanalýza, ale tyto dva proudy jsou tak oddělené a odlišné jak jen mohou být. Analýza léčí, laboratoře zkoumají. Dodnes je tento rozkol v psychologii znatelný, psychoterapie je málo empiricky podloženou oblastí, ač kazuistik je tolik, že je to až překvapivé. Po válce navazuje na strukturalismus funkcionalismus (James, Dewey atd.), který pokračuje ve stejné tradici ale zabývá se nikoliv obsahy vědomí ale jeho funkcemi. Zcela kontradiktorní přístup v meziválečném období je Behaviorismus, psychologickou metodu zase posunul dál, na pozorované chování. Umožnil dokonce srovnávací studie na zvířatech a později také metaforu počítače, která silně ovlivnila kognitivní psychologii. Zároveň vzniká Gestalt, ten se ale omezí na zjištění o vnímání a myšlení, teorii pole Kurta Lewina a pak na něj navážou kognotivisté na jednu stranu a terapeuti na stranu druhou. Dokonce, v gestalt terapii je dodnes jednou z hlavních metod intervence experiment…jeho výsledky však nemají reliabilitu a vzorek validitu…

První laboratoř – Wundt (1897) The natural sciences, which may serve as an example for psychology in this respect, since they were developed earlier, make use of two chief methods: experiment and observation. Experiment is observation connected with an intentional interference on the part of the observer, in the rise and course of the phenomena observed. Pure observation, such as is possible in many departments of natural science, is, from the very character of psychic phenomena, impossible in individual psychology The introduction of the experimental method into psychology was originally due to the modes of procedure in physiology, especially in the physiology of the sense-organs and the nervous system. Vytvořil exp. psychologii bez sociálna a sociální (volker) psychologii bez experimentu…

Paměť – Ebbinghaus (1885) Vybavování podle principu – zákonu asociací 6 sérií po 16 slabikách k zapamatování Poté stejné série ale odděleny 1, 2, 3, nebo 7 intevenujícími slabikami Nejdřív naučeno, poté naučeno nové pořadí po 24 hodinách, změřen potřebný čas Jde o stejné slabiky, takže se učí rychleji bez ohledu na pořadí „To summarize the results: The new series- formed by skipping 1, 2, 3 and 7 intermediate members were learned with an average saving of 152, 94, 78 and 42 seconds. In the case of the construction of a new series through a mere permutation of the syllables, there was an average saving of 12 seconds. In order to determine the significance of these figures, it is necessary to compare them with the saving in work in my case in the relearning of an unchanged series after 24 hours. This amounted to about one third of the time necessary for the first learning in the case of 16-syllable series, therefore about 420 seconds.“ Zdroj: Ebbinghaus, Hermann. (1913). Memory: A contribution to experimental psychology (Henry A. Ruger & Clara E. Bussenius, Trans.). Originally published in New York by Teachers College, Columbia University., http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/

Reakční časy - Baldwin (1895) Toronto Laboratory in 1892-93 Intra- a inter-individuální rozdíly v reakcích podle typů stimulů Měřeno chronoskopem, sluchový stimulus (kovové cvaknutí) v podmíkách světla a tmy Výsledky ošetřeny o chybu přístroje Stejný čas, stejné pořadí stimulů 4 participanti Zdroj: Baldwin, James Mark. (1895). Types of reaction. Psychological Review, 2, 259-273. [Baldwin's reply to Titichener, 1895a.], http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/

Wertheimer (1923) Zákony organizace percepčních forem Proximita Barva Směr Dobrá křivka Jednoduchost Atd. Zdroj: Wertheimer, Max. (1938). Laws of organization in perceptual forms. In W. Ellis, W (Ed. & Trans.), A source book of Gestalt psychology (pp. 71-88). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/

Ukázka experimentu Iluze Důkaz Zdroj: Adelsonova šachovnicová stínová iluze, MIT, 1995, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Same_color_illusion

Watson (1919) V kojeneckém domově Harriet Lane vypustí žena bílého potkana Pobízí Alberta, podle Watsona extrémně flegmatického chlapce, aby si ho všiml…ozve se rána! Cílem bylo naučit ho strachu…úspěšně, ale proceduru museli opakovat 7x. Poté při pouhém pohledu na potkana se malý Albert rozbrečel, jeho strach se dokonce rozšířil na podobné podněty Watson to Alberta chtěl odučit ale nedostal šanci, chtěl potkana asociovat s pozitivními podněty – erotogenními zónami Watson zahájil éru behaviorismu, jak svůj přístup nazval, ale po aféře se studentkou a rozvodu musel opustit univerzitu. Dál se věnoval marketingu… Zdroj: Watson, John B. & Rayner, Rosalie. (1920). Conditioned emotional reactions. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 3, 1-14 , http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/ BOESE, Alex. Elephants on acid and other bizarre experiments. London: Pan Books, 2009. 283 s. ISBN 978-0-330-50664-9.

Galton (1865) Metoda srovnání slavných osob různých povolání a hledání rodinných propojení „I have shown, in my previous paper, that intellectual capacity is so largely transmitted by descent that, out of every hundred sons of men distinguished in the open professions, no less than eight are found to have rivaled their fathers in eminence.“ Next, let us examine a biographical list of much greater extension. I have selected for this purpose an excellent brief dictionary by Mr. C. Hone.[1] It is not yet published, but part of its proof sheets have been obligingly lent to me. The entire work appears to contain some 19,000 names; it is, therefore, more than thirty times as extensive as the list we have hitherto been considering. I have selected one part only of this long series of names for examination, namely, those that begin with the letter M. There are 1141 names that remain under this letter, after eliminating those of sovereigns, and also of all persons who died before A.D. 1453. Out of these, 103 or 1 in 11 are either fathers and sons, or brothers; and I am by no means sure that I have succeeded in hunting out all the relationships that might be found to exist among them. Again, if we examine into the relationships of the notabilities of the present day, we obtain even larger proportions. Walford's :Men of the Time" contains an account of the distinguished men of England, the Continent and America, who are now alive. Under the letter A there are 85 names of men, and no less than 25 of these, or 1 in 3-1/2, have relatives also in the list; 12 of them are brothers, and 11 fathers and sons. It is justly to be urged, in limitation of the enormous effect of hereditary influence, implied by the above figures, that when a parent has achieved great eminence, his son will be placed in a more favourable position for advancement, than if he had been the son of an ordinary person. Social position is an especially important aid to success in statesmanship and generalship; for it is notorious that neither the Legislature nor the army afford, in their highest ranks, an open arena to the ablest intellects. I have shown, in my previous paper, that intellectual capacity is so largely transmitted by descent that, out of every hundred sons of men distinguished in the open professions, no less than eight are found to have rivalled their fathers in eminence. It must be recollected that success of this kind implies the simultaneous inheritance of many points of character, in addition to mere intellectual capacity. A man must inherit good health, a love of mental work, a strong purpose, and considerable ambition, in order to achieve successes of the high order of which we are speaking. The deficiency of any one of these qualities would certainly be injurious, and probably be fatal to his chance of obtaining great distinction. But more than this: the proportion we have arrived at takes [p. 319] no account whatever of one-half of the hereditary influences that form the nature of the child My particular method of inquiry did not admit of regard being paid to the influences transmitted by the mother, whether they had strengthened or weakened those transmitted by the father. Zdroj: Galton, Francis. (1865). Hereditary talent and character. Macmillan's Magazine, 12, 157-166, 318-327, http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/

Spearman (1904) Testoval rozsáhlejší skupiny Využíval testy smyslových podnětů Matematickou metodu eliminace chyby a síly vzájemných vztahů mezi výkonem v různých smyslových podnětech METODA KORELACE Experimental Series I. The reagents were the twenty-four oldest children of a village school in Berkshire, taken without any selection; they were tested in Light, Weight, and Sound. This school was particularly favorable for my purpose, as it was within 100 yards of my own house; all the children and their families resided in the immediate neighborhood, so that I could easily obtain any information concerning them; the rector and schoolmaster most obligingly gave their valuable co-operation, for which I hereby tender hearty thanks. Experimental Series II. This was executed in the same village school, but upon the next thirty-six oldest children, the tests being only in sound. Unlike the previous twenty-four, these were examined collectively, the total interview lasting about 1 1/2 hours. The chief part of this time was devoted to instructing and practising them, and to finding out what was the lowest age fit for such a collective experiment. It became eventually evident that no usable results could be obtained at any rate from those below 5 1/2 years, and thereupon all those under this age were excluded, leaving thirty-six for the real tests. The latter were carried out in the following manner. Every [p. 248] boy and girl was provided with a pencil and a piece of paper and had simply to write down 1 or 2, accordingly as he considered the first or the second tone to be the higher. The headmaster as well as the other teachers were present; a small prize was offered to stimulate attention, and energetic measures were found necessary to prevent cribbing. Ten test pairs of tones were given at about the following eight differences of pitch, 50, 33, 26, 20, 16, 10, 6, and 3 v. d.; thus in all, each child answered 80 times; in half the cases, the first tone was really the higher, and vice versa. Method of Correlation. So far this chapter has been occupied with obtaining estimates as to the reagents' respective abilities in the several sensory and intellective functions. This is an operation requiring the fullest use of psychological insight; and, therefore, based on the long preliminary investigation previously described, every effort has been made to ferret out and evade all circumstances tending to make our little sample of facts appreciably misrepresentative of the real general relations or psychologically superficial and misleading. But the next portion of our problem is of a very definite objective nature; we wish to ascertain how far the observed ranks in the several abilities tend to correspond with one another; this, it is believed, is no longer a task to be effected by exertions of psychological ingenuity; instead of constructing complex arbitrary tables and plausible but more or less fanciful explanatory stories, we now are in need of such a procedure as will impartially utilize all our information in the demonstrably most complete manner and will focus it to a plain quantitative value; for the moment, psychology has to give way to mathematics. Zdroj: Spearman, Charles. (1904). "General intelligence," objectively determined and measured. American Journal of Psychology, 15, 201-293, http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/

Teorie percepce Gibsonova konstruktivní teorie – shora dolů Odshora vzhůru Šablony Prototypy Korelace znaků i) Outline the key concepts and the 'message' of this topic Perception is a complex process of transforming information from senses into meaningful perceptions of external environment. Perception is conceptualised as different from sensory data on one side and from higher cognitive processing, on the other. However, boundaries within these stages of information processing are not distinct. Difference between perceptions and sensory data can be observed in optic illusions. From these, perceptual principles, such as figure-ground principle, were first derived by Gestaltists (Sternberg, 2003). Depending on how the distinctions between sensing, perceiving and higher cognitive processing are made, different theories of perception were suggested. Basically two approaches can be distinguished: bottom-up (direct), and top-down (constructive) theories of perception. Direct theories of perception, such as Gibson’s theory, propose no need for involving higher cognitive processing in perception. They account for richness of the stimuli, which is supposed to provide sufficient information (Sternberg, 2003). On the other hand, constructive theories of perception, state that internal representations mediate perception. Recognized object is not directly represented on retina. External stimuli require processing to generate internal representation. Both views were incorporated in Marr’s computational theory of perception. It integrates the richness of external information embedded in sensations, and the superimposed processing in a theory of visual perception (Sternberg, 2003). Neuropsychological research on visual perception also suggests there are two parallel visual systems that interact in transition of visual sensations into perceptions. However, their functions and interrelations are not straightforward. Recent research suggested that the distinction between the two visual systems might be stated in terms of identification and localization of external objects as opposed to control of perceiver’s manipulations in the external space (Goodale and Humphrey, 1998). To summarize, perception reflects both external stimuli, and previous knowledge and experience of perceiver. It seems that neural correlates of perception influence how both sources of information are processed. Word count =300   ii) Reflect on the links between this topic and other areas of Psychology, and/or the application of knowledge from this area to everyday life. Perceptions are representations of external environment. Therefore they are crucial for functioning. Despite neurological disorders, which impair perception, there are other dysfunctions that are presumably linked to perception processes. For instance, hallucinations are common symptoms in psychotic disorders. Although there are many theoretical explanations of hallucinations, they all agree on one point: hallucinations are internal experiences mistaken for external perceptions (Birchwood, 2001). However, the course of this misattribution is unclear. Further insight into the processes and underlying mechanisms of perception could explain how such an error could take place, and treatment could be developed. Naturally, study of perception has applications besides clinical psychology. As was mentioned before, there are certain principles driving perceptions in addition to sensory information. These principles can be employed so to say, to fool us (Sternberg, 2003). Obviously, the entertainment industry exploits this resource heavily. Photographs, special effects, magical tricks, and designers, they all profit from the fact, that perception can be easily mislead. Actually, the mechanism of film itself is based on the mechanisms of perception, which will put the moving pictures together to form a continual perception. Finally, understanding the mechanisms underlying perception and the processes involved aims to answer the foremost philosophical question, to what extent does perception reflect external reality?

Borst and Kosslyn (2008) The research reported in the present article investigates whether information is represented the same way in both visual mental imagery and the early phases of visual perception. In Experiment 1, the same participants scanned over patterns of dots in a mental image (with images based on a just-seen pattern), during perception, and in an iconic image. The time to scan increasing distances increased at comparable rates in the three tasks. However, in Experiment 2, when mental images were created from information stored in long-term memory, participants scanned more slowly in the mental image condition. Nevertheless, the rates of scanning in the perceptual tasks were highly correlated with the rates of scanning in the imagery tasks in both experiments. The results provide evidence that mental images and perceived stimuli are represented similarly and can be processed in the same way. These findings are of theoretical importance for at least three reasons: First, a theory that posits that scanning iconic images takes place at “lower” levels in the nervous system than scanning mental images would predict differences in slopes (in fact, we find the comparable slopes in the two conditions very counterintuitive). Second, a propositional theory—of the sort proposed by Pylyshyn (1973)—would not predict an increase in times with increasing distance in the mental imagery task, given that only metric distance is varied (and that “perceptual crowding,” which will be discussed shortly, cannot explain the results). Third, the “tacit knowledge” theory—later championed by Pylyshyn (1981)—would not predict comparable times to scan a mental image and an iconic image; the iconic image scanning condition in our experiment is a laboratory task that was never previously encountered by the participants; hence, they presumably would have no tacit knowledge of how to behave in this task.